Frequently attributed to men or boys, masculinity – otherwise known as manhood or manliness – is a set of context-specific behaviors and roles (i.e. head of heterosexual family such as “rijjal”, neighborhood defender such as the “abaday”), physical attributes (i.e. facial hair, able bodied, muscular), and personalized traits (i.e. dominance). Like femininity, masculinity is always contextual and historical, and is always situated in relation to broader gender norms in a given community. In addition, masculinity is often in negative relation to femininity; the two concepts are not only understood as associated with one gender, but also as mutually exclusive opposites.
Academically, significant scholarly attention was dedicated to the study of masculinity in the 1980s, which was premised upon the study of men as men rather than as universal subjects. Anthropologists, amongst others, have showcased the wide variety of performances of and values given to masculinities globally and historically(1). Academics such as Raewyn Connell, Jeff Hearn, and Michael Kimmel offered several grounding theories for the study of masculinity, and as a result, the field has come to form a crucial part of Gender Studies. In particular, Connell studied the multiplicity of masculinities and offered the term “hegemonic masculinity” to describe an overarching functioning set of norms that are practiced in a given community and which are premised upon elevating the social standing of a certain category of men over women, femininity, and other men. In most contexts, a dominant (or hegemonic) idea and embodiment of masculinity exists which in turn creates subordinate masculinities(2). Similar to the analytical function of intersectionality, this hierarchy of masculinities showcases inequalities among men which are often based on the marginalization of classed and racialized masculinities.
Further theorization focused on studying men’s spaces and relations with other men (homosociality), homosexuality, and men’s violence including militarized masculinities. Significantly, Jack Halberstam’s(3) research critiqued the equation that masculinity was always and only linked to men, opening up discussions on female masculinity as well as on masculine femininities and the complex relations between sex, gender, and performance. Regional studies focused on exploring definitions of “Islamic masculinities” which not only emphasized religion’s role in creating a masculine ideal, but also opened room for debating post-colonial identities and the role of colonialism in altering gender relations(4).
Lebanese masculinities and femininities have been structured by a series ofhistorical events, notably the civil war which offered a particular reshaping of celebrated “militiarized” behaviour in the figure of the militia man(5). Further studies of masculinity in Lebanon have explored anti-feminine attitudes in the gay community and the quest to appear “masculine” in order to appear “heterosexual”(6). New debates are paying attention to the Lebanese state’s masculinist narrative of “masculinity under threat” through which women’s rights, such as the right to pass on citizenship among others, continue to be curtailed(7).
Local campaigns also focus on revealing the link between domestic violence against women and masculine behavior and thus they engage in a debate on the relationship between men, masculinity, and violence. Organizations such as KAFA have effectively exposed patriarchal masculinity’s role in practicing and normalizing violence against women. In some of the organization’s campaigning strategies, KAFA attempted to present alternative non-violent masculinities, or “resistant masculinities to patriarchy” in which it sought to break links between definitions of proper masculinity and violence against women(8). In contrast, organizations such as ABAAD have focused on reframing masculinity without directly challenging or destabilizing normative masculinity(9).
