History of Conflicts in Lebanon. A Critical Perspective

Lebanon’s History has always been one of “conflict and consensus” (Haffar-Mills/Shehadi, 1988). Well before it was established as a state in 1920, the Lebanese geographic space witnessed recurring crises ranging from sectarian violence, to social conflicts, internal displacement of populations, and massive killings (cf. the period of 1840-1860). To this day, the historiography of the country is contested by Lebanese religious communities and political groups. Deep-rooted myths surrounding the modern and contemporary history of the country still hamper the possibility of initiating a meaningful dialogue between former warring parties. In fact the various and contending narratives ranging from the 1840-1860 wars and massacres, the 1958 internal conflict, to the 1975-1990 Lebanon war, are scarcely addressed in the public sphere, and brushed over, if not absent, in schools’ history curricula.

The History of Conflicts in Lebanon. A Critical Perspective call for papers seeks to look into the causes of Lebanon’s vulnerability to recurring cycles of violence which stems from the country’s social structures and history of conflicts, which, in turn, are the results of the objectivation of mental structures. For decades, structural divisions swelled in the shadows of collective grievances and alleged crimes and festered in a culture of impunity and amnesia. Accountability anchored in uncovering the truth about the conflicts is not a sufficient step, but undoubtedly a necessary one towards rebuilding a trustworthy state. In short, the end of the Lebanese war in 1990, could have been a golden opportunity to address collective suffering and shared history of trauma, to prevent further violence. Instead it was neglected and took the back seat (C. Abou Jaoudé, 2014).

Considering this, the present call for papers aims at critically exploring the following axes:

I- Reinvestigating episodes of violence in Lebanon

Only a few historians and sociologists have delved into the Lebanese war (1975-1990). Most of the abundant literature comprises war memoirs by actors and witnesses (K. Joumblatt, M. Ibrahim, Gh. Tueni, A. Gemayel, R. Azzam, R. Sneifer, K. Pakradouni, B. Naaman, J. Abou Khalil, M. Dalloul, K. Mroué), accounts and reviews by reporters and journalists (R. Fisk, A. Ménargues, G. Figuié, Gh. Charbel). Historic literature concentrates on events, political issues, protagonists, sectarian divides (K. Salibi, N. Picaudou, S. Kassir), internal tensions, social crises and economic issues which led up to and shaped the War (F. Traboulsi, S. Nasr); as well as on the geopolitical aspects and involvement of regional and international external forces (E. Picard, G. Corm, Gh. Tueni, etc.), and allow a certain understanding of the 16 year long conflict. Sociological exploration includes analyses of interrelated social and political structures (Th. Hanf, M. Johnson, L. and A. Chabry, Ch. Chartouni, S. Nasr, S. Khalaf, A. Beydoun, M. Daher).

What lacks today is a social history of the war. The focus should shy away from narratives related to facts or actions, and be repurposed on silent actors using “subaltern studies”, and on the motivations behind the participation of a person, a group or community in specific battles, abductions or massacres: fear, deeply embedded sectarian memory and thought patterns, personal stakes and interests. Those factors promote easy and achievable mobilisation that lead to points of no return in violence. As such, emphasis may be put on the non-negligible amount of agency that local actors detain, leading to local field dynamics that affect the war trajectory. Moreover the dialectical link between violence and memory, the many usages of the past and of the war dead (designated as shuhadâ’), and the shaping-up of social sectarian memories should also be considered in our analysis. As a matter of fact, building a sectarian memory ensures a group’s cohesion, prevents its assimilation, and allows perpetuation of its leadership, through the patron-client solid bonds.

On another note, some events have been ignored, considered to be taboo because shameful or likely to stir old grudges. Among these are the intra-sectarian wars and intra-group rivalries that led in some cases to massacres. These conflicts are crucial in the understanding of the complex and polymorphous Lebanese war. They demonstrate that the reasons behind the eruption and continuation of some armed hostilities were not necessarily sectarian but political, and linked to certain agendas and power struggles. Addressing these events offers a greater understanding of the conflicts within the Lebanese society, both past and present, and contributes to the deconstruction of widespread misconceptions, myths, and simplistic interpretations of the wars and conflicts in Lebanon. We seek contributions that revisit the Lebanese conflicts and related concepts and myths, as well as the various terminologies used.

II- Revisiting the postwar period

The “official” end of the Lebanese war corresponds to the termination of armed hostilities, after the Syrian Army invaded the “Christian sector” on the 13th of October 1990, one year after the controversial Ta’if Agreement (1989). It coincided with the end of the Cold War and the beginning of the Gulf War (1990-1991). Under Syrian tutelage, a political decision to disarm and demobilise all militias was taken, but its implementation has been criticised for being selective and ineffective (D. de Clerck, 2012). An Amnesty Law (1991) covered all political and wartime crimes, enabling warlords and militia members to transfer their wartime authority to the political realm, which in turn fostered impunity at the highest level and hindered accountability. Reconciliation was never fully addressed on a national scale. In fact, state-sponsored reconciliation failed to accomplish unconditional resettlement, to enhance stricken regions economically or to promote a durable peace (de Clerck, 2013), and sectarianism was institutionalised by the Ta’if Agreement. This meant that the root of the conflict which the agreement sought to end was never resolved, but merely entrenched (A. Beydoun, 2016).

Postwar accounts investigate the Ta’if agreement (A. Beydoun, J. Maila, etc.),  Syrian tutelage, disarmament, demobilization and reintegration of militias (E. Picard), Hezbollah’s role and actions (J. Palmer Harik, S. Mervin, A. Daher), but few address reconciliation and memory (A. Kanafani-Zahar, D. de Clerck, F. Mermier/Ch. Varin, L. Volk, S. Haugbolle).

We believe that there exists an important new perspective to be developed for the exploration of the Lebanese conflicts. We seek contributions that approach the war experience in an interdisciplinary manner, with new inquiries into the conflicts and postwar dynamics. Reflecting on trauma and the perceptions of the Lebanese that the “war is not over” can explain their incapacity to commemorate its end and deal with its legacy. This will further lead us to examining the difficulties in writing a common history of the Lebanese war, and thus its difficult integration in schools curricula. We would also like to bring back to the front the topics of reconciliation and collective memory. These are a stepping-stone toward building a cohesive and critical literature on the Lebanese conflicts.

Submission guidelines:

Lebanon Support encourages contributions from experienced scholars, early career researchers, PhD candidates, practitioners, activists, and civil society experts.

Authors can submit papers in Arabic, English or French.  All papers will go through a double blind peer-review process and must comply with Lebanon Support’s guidelines. Selected papers will be considered for in-print publications in Lebanon Support’s journal, the Civil Society Review. Priority will be given to submissions that adopt a radical and critical approach to related concepts and categories, engage with a solid theoretical framework, and are based on empirical research. Papers should not exceed 10,000 words. Practitioners’ testimonies should not exceed 3,000 words, and book reviews 1,500 words.

Time frame:

Paper abstracts in Arabic, English, or French (not exceeding 600 words, specifying the theme, type of fieldwork, research questions, etc.), along with a CV, should be sent to editor@lebanon-support.org before October 15th, 2017.

The editorial committee will notify authors by October 30th, 2017.

Final papers should be shared with Lebanon Support for blind peer review by April 10th, 2018. Papers should conform to Lebanon Support’s guidelines for contributors.

Publication of papers is scheduled for end of 2018. 

Editorial committee:

Lebanon Support: Lebanon Support is an independent non-governmental, non-religious, non-partisan, and non-profit making information and research centre for and about civil society. Established in 2006, Lebanon Support was registered as a National Non-Governmental Organisation in November 2008 (registered under the number 168/2009 AD).

Lebanon Support aims at enhancing civil society capacity, efficiency, and effectiveness through the creation of public spaces for reflection, collaboration, and debate in Lebanon.

Lebanon Support adopts a multidisciplinary approach and evidence and fact based methodologies in civil society work in Lebanon, so as to support and develop a civic voice, and work towards better accountability and societal change.

Within this framework Lebanon Support focuses on information and knowledge production, sharing and management, as it is within Lebanon Support’s beliefs, that knowledge is at the heart of developing adequate strategies and interventions to reduce existing vulnerabilities and marginalisation in the country.

Lebanon Support promotes and supports knowledge sharing between organisations in Lebanon, through the exchange of experiences, ideas, and information across sectors and among civil society actors in Lebanon.